Europe is importing Russian liquefied natural gas at record levels even as it prepares a total ban on the fuel in 2027 — and European companies are still helping keep the trade moving.
The surge comes as buyers rush to maximize deliveries under existing long-term contracts before the blanket ban takes effect. At the same time, Danish Fayard remains the only EU shipyard still servicing the specialized icebreaking tankers that carry the fuel from Russia’s Arctic to European ports.
Between March 18 and May 31 of 2026, Russian LNG imports into Europe increased by 17% compared to the same period in 2025, according to the EU's Agency for the Cooperation of Energy Regulators. In May alone, 23 of the 25 cargoes exported from the Yamal LNG project — one of Russia's largest Arctic gas developments — were delivered to the EU, according to sanctions campaign group Urgewald.
The increase has come despite an EU ban on new short-term contracts that entered into force in April. While new contracts lasting less than one year are no longer permitted, imports under existing long-term contracts remain legal until Jan. 1, 2027, when the EU’s full ban on Russian LNG takes effect.
“There’s a huge growth in shipments going to Europe, and we cannot see any positive effect from the short-term LNG ban of the EU,” said Sebastian Rötters, a sanctions campaigner with Urgewald. “Europe is receiving almost all of the Yamal cargoes, and the EU is trying to bunker as much Russian gas as possible before the 2027 ban comes into place.”
The ballooning imports have renewed criticism of a sanctions regime that, rather than steadily squeezing the Kremlin’s revenue, continues to funnel billions into Russia's war machine — all while allowing European companies to help sustain the trade. For energy analysts it’s another sign that Europe is still fumbling for a credible strategy to end its dependence on Russian fossil fuels and volatile global energy markets.
An LNG rush before the ban
Russian LNG accounted for 13% of Europe’s total LNG imports in the first quarter of 2026.
Major European companies with long-term contracts continue to purchase Russian LNG, including TotalEnergies in France, Naturgy in Spain, Sefe in Germany and Fluxys in Belgium, said Ivan Hortal Sanchez, sanctions campaigner with Razom We Stand.
According to ACER, suppliers are frontloading shipments via long-term contracts before the 2027 ban while also trying to secure alternative supplies after the closure of the Strait of Hormuz — a vital artery for the world’s gas supplies — was largely choked off after the United States and Israel launched their war on Iran back in February.
LNG exports from Qatar, a key European supplier, have been significantly hampered by the conflict, according to Ana Maria Jaller-Makarewicz, lead energy analyst for Europe at the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis.
With Middle Eastern supply under pressure and stronger competition from Asian buyers, European importers have turned to Russian LNG, according to Anne-Sophie Corbeau, researcher at the Center on Global Energy Policy at Columbia University. To Corbeau, the spike in imports from Russia is surprising. “It’s a possibility that in the name of energy security people just don’t care” that the LNG is Russian, she said.
The Danish shipyard keeping Russian LNG moving
Europe is not only continuing to buy Russian LNG, but shipyards also remain critical to keeping Russia’s Arctic exports operational.
The fleet of 15 Arc7 icebreaking carriers is indispensable to Russia’s Yamal project. Built with European technology, the highly specialized vessels can operate year-round through thick Arctic ice and carry 1.2 million to 1.5 million metric tons of LNG per vessel annually. Urgewald estimates that each vessel carries cargo worth between €600 million and €800 million every year.
The majority of these ships are also owned by European companies, operate outside the sanctions regime and are primarily serviced in European shipyards. Since 2022, only the Damen Shipyard in Brest, France and Fayard in Denmark have serviced the Arc7s, according to a report released by Urgewald in June.
A marine services ban on all vessels carrying Russian LNG is supposed to take effect on Jan. 1, 2027. However, some European shipyards have voluntarily chosen to stop servicing the vessels, such as Damen — leaving Fayard the only European shipyard actively servicing the vessels.
“One can get the impression that Fayard is a war profiteer,” said Rötters. “They now get the whole cake that they had to share before.”
Fayard serviced five Arc7 vessels in 2025, according to the company’s annual report.
Denmark has been one of Ukraine’s closest allies in its war effort against Russia, boasting the world’s highest GDP per capita support for Kyiv, according to the Kiel Institute. Commenting on Fayard’s continued work on the Arc7 fleet, Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen said “It’s completely incomprehensible that a Danish shipyard could be contributing to Russia’s war in Europe. They simply have to stop that.”
Fayard told The Parliament that it “supports the EU in its energy policy and sanctions towards Russia.”
“The Commission has decided LNG from Yamal is necessary for European energy supply until 2027, and therefore, we service specific vessels sailing to European ports delivering the LNG to Europe to ensure maritime safety and support the EU.”
Martin Lidegaard, Danish minister of business and competitiveness, said Denmark has long pushed for an EU-wide marine services ban for vessels transporting Russian gas, and had hoped that such a ban would have come into effect before 2027.
“Let me make it absolutely clear that our authorities are keeping a close watch and will carry out the necessary investigations if anyone violates the applicable rules,” he said. “Until 2027, Danish companies can of course still make the right choice for themselves and clearly say no to helping the Russian war machine.”
Europe’s unfinished energy transition
A dependency on global energy markets will complicate the EU’s quest to ditch Russian fossil fuels by 2027, with some leaders of European import hubs even calling for a delay on the ban.
“If we have the Strait of Hormuz almost closed, this is going to be very difficult,” said Corbeau.
Corbeau and Jaller-Makarewicz said that every time Europe experiences an energy shock — such as at the start of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine or during the Strait of Hormuz crisis — Europe looks to quickly increase short-term imports without a longer-term plan to decrease dependencies.
Turning more towards renewable energy and electrification has long been held up as a possible solution, and some countries such as Spain have successfully done so. However, Jaller-Makarewicz said that European countries such as Poland continue to build more fossil fuel infrastructure rather than invest in renewables.
Another solution could be to decrease demand, according to Corbeau. “In Europe, every time we have a supply problem we look at alternative supply first, and only when we have our backs to the wall do we look at demand.”
Even so, looking for alternative suppliers for LNG and pipeline gas could help reduce Europe’s dependencies on a single supplier, according to Corbeau. For example, encouraging Norway to maintain higher production levels and developing new Romanian gas fields could help reduce the growing dependency on the U.S. and make it easier to shift away from Russian fuels, she said.
“Europe still needs to prepare itself better for a Russian-energy-free future,” said Jaller-Makarewicz. “We need to make decisions that will be a long-term solution.”
Sign up to The Parliament's weekly newsletter
Every Friday our editorial team goes behind the headlines to offer insight and analysis on the key stories driving the EU agenda. Subscribe for free here.