A shrinking population. Soaring energy costs. Irregular migration routes.
These are among the pressing challenges the European Union hopes to tackle by stepping up investments in its “southern neighbourhood” — an EU term for the region spanning Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, the Palestinian territories, Syria and Tunisia.
On 28 November, senior EU officials gathered in Barcelona with Maghreb counterparts to advance the Pact for the Mediterranean, a new effort to rethink cooperation and build a safer, more prosperous Mediterranean space. Adopted by the EU in October, the pact sets out 100 flagship projects, from expanding Erasmus exchanges to improving mobile connectivity across the Mediterranean.
The initiative builds on the 1995 Barcelona Declaration, a similar effort to strengthen cooperation in the Mediterranean, and the 2021 Agenda for the Mediterranean and its Economic and Investment Plan (EIP). European leaders are expected to endorse it at a European Council summit on 18-19 December.
In this Q&A with The Parliament, Dubravka Šuica, the European Commissioner for the Mediterranean, discussed the urgency behind the initiative, the bloc’s role in supporting the Palestinian Authority in Gaza, and why Europe cannot afford disengagement in post-war Syria.
This interview has been edited for clarity.
Under this pact, the Commission proposes doubling the EU budget for the region to €42 billion. Why is such an investment necessary now?
Several Mediterranean strategies existed before — the Barcelona Declaration, the Agenda for the Mediterranean — but this pact is fundamentally different. It is not simply another document; it’s a genuine pact co-created with our southern partners.
For the first time, we systematically consulted governments, think tanks, academia, and civil society in the region. Their input shaped the pact. And it’s a living document, it can evolve.
The core change is that we put people at the center. The population in the southern neighbourhood is growing fast, while Europe is shrinking. We want to invest in vocational training, skills, and opportunities for young people so they can build their futures at home.
The second pillar is investment. We want European companies to invest in renewable energy, infrastructure, and industry. This will help decarbonise the region — solar, wind, green hydrogen — while creating jobs and producing clean energy at lower cost. It’s a win-win.
And the third pillar is security, resilience, preparedness, and migration. We want young people to have reasons to stay. But we also open legal pathways for those who are trained and want to work in Europe. This is crucial. We must distinguish clearly between legal and illegal migration.
Europe cannot stay competitive without human capital. Robotics and AI cannot replace people. As the commissioner responsible for demography, I see clearly that Europe does not have enough workers.
Do all member states understand this need?
No. That is part of the communication problem. In some countries, such as Czechia, Slovakia, Hungary, migration is politicised to provoke fear. But economically, we need migrants.
These same countries also warn constantly about Europe’s demographic decline. Hungary’s government has offered tax breaks to women who give birth, for example.
Those measures alone cannot fix low birth rates. They help, but demographic change requires an entire ecosystem: childcare, work-life balance, flexible working conditions. And even if every European woman had five children starting tomorrow, which is unrealistic, those children would join the labour market only in 20-25 years. What do we do in the meantime?
This is why legal migration is essential. And why we are signing talent partnerships with Morocco, Egypt, and Tunisia to ensure balanced mobility — not a brain drain, but brain circulation. We are also moving away from a donor-recipient model. We want to invest, not just pay. We want to help create thriving economies, jobs, and stability. And all of this is connected to the need for peace and security in the region. The Mediterranean should be a bridge, but today it is a zone of conflict.
Does moving away from a donor-recipient model mean the money comes without political conditions?
No. All funding is conditional — on reforms, on human rights, democracy, rule of law. For example, the Palestinian Authority will receive €1.6 billion over the next two years, but only if reforms are implemented. No funds are disbursed without monitoring mechanisms.
To what extent was the pact accelerated by the conflict in the Middle East or declining US engagement?
Its primary driver was the need to rethink our entire Mediterranean strategy — especially on energy. We want to eliminate our dependence on Russian fossil fuels. Renewable energy from the southern Mediterranean can replace that, at lower cost, while helping their economies grow.
Of course, stability and peace are also part of the rationale. We are the closest neighbour. We want a partnership of equals, not a top-down approach from Brussels.
The pact will be governed seriously. Foreign ministers will review it twice a year, and senior officials will form a second governance layer. This is not a document that will sit on a shelf.
The Union for the Mediterranean is another regional body bringing together EU members and Mediterranean partners. What role will it play?
It will be an important implementing partner. But it currently faces a governance crisis, as Algeria is blocking decisions, so reforms are needed. That’s one reason why we’re meeting in Barcelona.
How do you ensure similar blockages won’t undermine the pact?
Through dialogue, and by encouraging regional cooperation. We want cross-border projects, say, between Algeria and Morocco, to build trust. Reconciliation takes time, but it is possible.
We are also launching a Mediterranean University Alliance — not a new institution, but a network of existing universities in Beirut, Alexandria, Tunis, Fez, Marseille, Naples, Spain, and others. Through Erasmus-plus, young people from across the region will study together, build networks, and develop a shared understanding of the Mediterranean.
One of the goals is to strengthen Europe’s geopolitical influence in a region where China and Russia are already deeply present. What are the chances of success, given that they are offering things Europe cannot, like arms deals?
That is exactly why Europe must be present. If we leave a vacuum, others will fill it. Europe is still the largest economic player in the region. But we lack political influence. This is why DG NEAR [the Commission’s neighborhood department] and my portfolio were created: to provide a strategic focus.
Of course it’s not easy. Libya is a good example. But if not us, then they will be there. Europe must act.
The EU is the largest donor to the Palestinian Authority. How will you use that influence to shape the peace framework set out in US President Donald Trump’s 20-point plan?
We believe Europe should have a role in the “day after.” We do not talk to Hamas. We need a strong, reformed Palestinian Authority as a legitimate interlocutor for both us and Israel.
We want the Palestine Donor Group to be the platform to monitor reforms. This includes Gaza’s reconstruction if the ceasefire holds. By investing in the Palestinian Authority, we are trying to support this statehood. Over time, as the PA develops stronger institutions, it should be capable of delivering services, such as health, education, currently provided by UN Relief and Works Agency of Palestine Refugees. We are talking about governance, not replacing individuals.
The Emergency Coalition for the Financial Sustainability of the PA has called for Israel to release all withheld clearance revenues. Do you support this?
Yes. We are pressuring Israel to release these funds. Without them, the PA cannot survive, even with our support.
With Ahmed al-Sharaa now leading Syria’s transitional government, what are the EU’s non-negotiables for offering support?
We visited several months ago. We want to give them a chance, because there is no alternative pathway. They must be inclusive, respect minorities and gender equality, and build institutions. They lack experience and capacity, and they asked for our help.
We lifted some sanctions proportionally, but everything is reversible. We monitor the situation closely. The northeast remains fragmented — Turkey, the US, and others are on the ground — so it is extremely complex. But we have to engage carefully; past experiences, like Afghanistan, taught us that disengagement is worse.
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